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L162 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


IN  ITS 

RELATIONS  WITH  WEALTH 

AN  ORATION 

PRONOUNCED  IN  THE 

Cite  JLiwratk  ^tjtnseom  of  ftriv  fork. 


ON  THE  EVENING  OF  THE  1st  OF  JANUARY,  1854. 


BY  DON  LORENZO  ALLO, 

PROFESSOR  OF  POLITICAL  ECONOMY. 


Having  had  the  pleasure  of  publishing  this  little  work  in  Spanish,  for  the  purpose  of  free  cir¬ 
culation  in  Cuba,  I  now  present  it  to  my  American  friends,  in  their  own  language,  dedicating  the 
translation  to  my  worthy  and  lamented  friend,  whose  last  effort  it  was. 

Domingo  dk  Goicoubia, 


Nmjo  York ,  January  1, 1855. 


* 


NEW  YORK: 

W.  H.  TINSON,  PRINTER  AND  STEREOTYPER,  24  BEEKMaN  Sr. 

1855. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2018  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign  Alternates 


https://archive.org/details/domesticslaveryiOOallo 


r\i 


aJL'S'lA-- 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


IN  ITS 


RELATIONS  WITH  WEALTH. 


O 


5 

6 

-  J 

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i 


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ui 


o) 


O 

\ 

o 


Gentlemen: — • 

I  propose  to  treat,  this  evening,  of  Domestic  Slavery  in  its  relations 
with  wealth;  and  I  deem  it  convenient  to  divide  the  subject  into  three 
parts,  of  which  the  following  are  the  mottoes:  First.  Slavery  is  anta¬ 
gonistic  to  wealth.  Second.  Refutation  of  the  arguments  in  support 
of  slavery.  Third.  The  means  of  abolishing  slavery  in  Cuba.  Permit 
me,  by  way  of  exordium,  a  few  words  on  our  ideas  and  on  our  Tribune. 
The  title  of  this  exordium  will  be 

i 

THE  CUBAN  TRIBUNE. 

The  ideas  to  which  I  am  about  to  give  expression,  are  based  upon  my 
convictions,  and  I  would  desire  to  see  them  instilled  into  the  soul  of 
every  man.  I  address  you  with  my  heart  on  my  lips,  because  I  go  to 
treat  of  the  rights  of  the  human  race.  I  entertain  no  fear  ;  I  respect 
every  man’s  opinion  ;  and  I  consider  myself  as  fulfilling  a  duty  when  I 
utter  my  own.  It  is  in  this  way  that  I  understand  liberty.  I  see  you 
before  me,  and  not  only  you,  but  all  Cubans,  and  universal  humanity 
regarding  and  listening  to  me,  attentive  and  silent.  It  is  not  pride,  but 
rather  sincerity  that  dictates  to  me  the  language  ;  and  you  should  not 
blame  me  for  it,  as  in  doing  so,  you  would  be  blaming  yourselves.  Yes, 
gentlemen,  blaming  yourselves  ;  for  some  of  my  ideas  I  have  already 
indicated  on  this  tribune,  and  their  very  indication  has  won  for  me  your 
plaudits  -plaudits  which  I  bless,  because  they  argue  the  identity  of  our 
sentiments.  If  there  be  any  censure  against  me,  it  will  be  against  you 


4 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


also  ;  but  I  believe  that  you  do  not  fear  that  censure,  as  I  do  not,  since 
error  alone  can  find  fault  with  us  for  holding  in  our  hearts  the  love  of 
Cuba  and  the  love  of  humanity  identical.  I  said  that  I  was  about  to 
speak  of  the  Cuban  tribune. 

The  Cuban  tribune  !  This  is  it  ;  a  desk  and  a  covering.  Nothin^ 
more.  Around  are  benches  and  arms  which  do  not  belong  to  us.  Here 
there  is  nothing  ours.  Even  the  right  to  enter  this  hall  costs  us  a  sum; 
a  petty  sum  which  we  poor  exiles  pay.  But,  gentlemen,  our  poverty  is 
our  greatness.  The  temple  of  Country  is  the  temple  of  virtue,  and  in 
that  temple,  gold  and  decorations  are  dross  and  rags:  in  that  temple 
nothing  is  esteemed  save  self-denial,  patriotism  and  fraternity.  Our 
poverty  might  appal  us  if  it  were  the  chastisement  of  our  crimes  ;  but 
the  chastisement  which  iniquity  applies  to  merit  is  merit’s  most  resplen¬ 
dent  aureole.  Our  tyrants  have  been  powerful  enough  to  deprive  us  of 
our  property,  our  family,  and  our  firesides,  but  they  could  not  take 
from  us  our  patriotism,  that  moral  gold  whose  degrees  of  fineness  are 
purified  by  the  fire  of  persecution.  Our  tyrants  announce  to  the  world 
“  These  filibusteros  are  some  shirtless  vagabonds  whom  we  have  driven 
from  our  colony.”  But  the  world  regards  us,  for  there  are  two  things 
which  the  world  cannot  but  regard:  justice  and  misfortune.  The  world 
sees  us  proscribed,  in  exile  ;  but  it  sees  us,  not  uttering  a  useless  and 
cowardly  wailing,  but  serene,  tranquil,  panting  to  fly  to  Cuba  to  rescue 
our  brothers  from  captivity  ;  it  sees  us  consecrated  to  the  enlighten¬ 
ment  of  our  minds  ;  it  sees  us  good  men  and  honored  ;  and  it  hears 
proclaimed  from  this  tribunal  the  pure  sentiment  of  our  hearts.  The 
merit  of  a  tribune  consists  in  the  principles  which  are  uttered  from  it ; 
in  the  ideas  of  progress  which  irradiate  from  it  ;  and  in  the  political 
and  moral  doctrines  which  it  enounces  in  defending  the  rights  of  man. 
That  the  world  beholds  in  us,  and  its  terrible  malediction  falls  upon 
our  tyrants. 

Heretofore  Cuba  has  not  had  a  tribune.  Here  it  is  ;  poor,  isolated, 
set  in  a  foreign  soil  ;  and  its  first  accents  are  not  those  of  hate  nor 
vengeance.  No,  the  Cuban  tribune  causes  to  be  heard  the  voice  of 
truth,  for  that  is  the  voice  of  history  and  of  science  ;  causes  to  be 
heard  the  voice  of  Justice,  for  that  is  the  voice  which  sustains  the 
rights  of  the  peoples  ;  and  causes  to  be  heard  the  voice  of  liberty,  for 
that  is  the  voice  which  determines  the  statutes  of  the  human  race. 

Our  tribune  is  poor  ;  it  is  born  humble  and  undraped  ;  but  its  future 
is  immense.  Translated  soon  to  our  own  soil,  it  will  be  occupied  by 
Cubans  who  may  enlighten  the  world  with  their  eloquence.  Liberty 
gives  birth  to  Demosthenes  and  Ciceros.  Our  tribune  is  poor  ;  but 
the  Redeemer  of  the  world  was  born  in  a  manger.  We  ourselves  are 
also  poor  ;  but  in  the  temple  of  liberty  there  are  no  distinct  seats  for 
the  poor  and  the  rich,  as  in  the  temple  of  immortality  there  Is  no 
difference  of  place  for  the  prosperous  and  the  unfortunate.  In  that 
holy  temple  George  Washington  is  as  great,  exercising  the  Presidency 
of  the  United  States,  as  Narciso  Lopez  dying  on  the  scaffold  for  the 
freedom  of  Cuba. 


A 

I 


IN  ITS  RELATIONS  WITH  WEALTH. 


5 


SLAVERY  IS  ANTAGONISTIC  TO  WEALTH. 

There  are  three  things  that  are  inseparable  :  wealth,  morality,  and 
humanity.  Some  people  believe  that  slavery,  supposing  it  to  be  morally 
right,  contributes  to  the  production  of  wealth  ;  a  most  fatal  error, 
since  political  economy  would  not  be  a  true  science  if  it  were  not  based 
on  morality. 

Let  us  seek  in  this  science  and  in  Christianity,  the  first  argument  to 
combat  slavery.  Morality  is  the  science  of  what  is  just  and  unjust. 
Every  man  is  called  just  or  virtuous  who  is  good,  humane  and  a  civil¬ 
izer  ;  and  everything  which  is  just  is  called  good,  because  it  produces 
inestimable  benefits  to  the  individual  and  to  Society.  Christianity  is 
based  on  morality  and  virtue,  and  all  its  doctrines  proclaim  the  frater¬ 
nity  of  men.  Paganism  was  contrary  to  morality,  to  virtue,  and  did 
not  comprehend  the  meaning  of  human  brotherhood.  The  greatness  of 
the  pagau  peoples  was  a  false  greatness.  Where  temples  were  raised  to 
lewd  and  vengeful  qualities,  where  labor  was  ignominious,  and  where 
man  was  not  the  brother  of  man,  there  could  not  be  greatness,  because 
there  could  not  be  virtue.  There  existed  not  there,  modest  love,  probity, 
conjugal  fidelity,  nor  any  of  the  Christian  virtues.  Therefore  those 
peoples  fell  into  decay. 

Jesus  Christ  taught  all  the  principles  which  constitute  true  morality, 
principles  which  serve  as  the  foundation  of  his  divine  religion,  and  which 
have  brought  to  the  people  wealth,  science,  progress  and  prosperity. 
Wealth  is  not  merely  material  ;  it  is  likewise  intellectual  and  moral  ; 
and  material  wealth  cannot  even  exist  without  creating  the  other  two. 
Therefore,  slavery  is  contrary  to  the  bases  of  Christianity,  whose,  great 
doctrines  are  “  Love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself,”  and  “  Do  unto  others 
what  you  would  have  others  do  unto  you.” 

The  second  argument  against  slavery  is  presented  to  us  by  history. 
When  in  Rome  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  cultivated  the  land  with 
their  own  hands,  they  occupied  themselves  solely  in  the  camp  and  in 
labor.  When  Cincinnatus  was  informed  of  his  elevation  to  the  Dicta¬ 
torship  he  was  ploughing  his  field  ;  and,  hastening  to  his  spouse,  he 
said  to  her,  “  I  fear  that  my  little  farm  must  remain  untilled  this  year.” 
Rome  was  not,  at  that  time,  the  mistress  of  the  world  ;  but  her  fields 
were  in  the  most  flourishing  condition.  When  that  same  Rome 
entrusted  agriculture  to  slaves,  so  that  they  might  acquire  wealth  with 
blood,  their  fields  were  so  neglected  that  the  conquerors  of  the  world 
suffered  wretchedness  and  starvation.  Rome  saw  herself  compelled  to 
import  corn  from  Sicily,  from  Spain  and  from  Egypt  ;  and,  to  have  an 
idea  of  her  wretchedness,  it  is  merely  necessary  to  remember  that  the 
Europe  of  that  day  did  not  produce,  in  one  year,  even  half  of  the  fruits 
which  any  of  its  states  produces  at  present. 

Rome  always  maintained  slavery,  and  in  this  we  have  the  explana¬ 
tion  how  it  was  that  the  Teutonic  races  parcelled  among  themselves 
her  provinces,  as  birds  of  prey  divide  a  dead  body.  The  European 
peoples  abolished  slavery,  and  the  manumissions  were  followed  by  the 


6 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


discovery  of  the  compass,  the  press,  the  perfection  of  agriculture,  the 
commercial  exchanges  between  nations,  the  devolpment  of  the  arts, 
schools,  political  right,  and  all  the  elements  of  wealth. 

The  Romans,  with  slaves,  suffered  hunger,  nakedness  and  the  yoke 
of  their  rulers  ;  the  peoples  of  Europe,  without  slaves,  commenced  the 
grand  era  of  civilization  and  prosperity. 

History  always  presents  to  us  identical  examples  ;  but  let  us  examine 
the  relative  worth  of  labor,  as  in  the  hands  of  the  slave  and  in  those  of 
the  free  man. 

Slaves  are  destined  to  domestic  service,  and  to  branches  of  industry. 
With  respect  to  domestic  service,  experience  shows  that  two  free  men 
work  more  than  eight  slaves  ;  and  with  respect  to  industrial  occupations 
that  the  difference  is  still  greater. 

Let  us  see  then  the  relative  cost  of  free  hands  and  slave  hands.  The 
free  workman  requires,  in  exchange  for  his  labor,  maintenance  for  him¬ 
self  and  his  family.  The  master  of  the  slave  must  needs  idemnify  himself 
for  the  capital  which  his  slave  cost  him,  for  the  interest  of  that  capital, 
for  the  expense  of  maintaining  and  providing  for  him  medical  attend¬ 
ance;  and  for  the  wages  of  the  overseer.  The  comparison  should  not  be 
made  from  individual  to  individual,  but  from  property  to  property,  or 
from  factory  to  factory,  since  we  have  already  seen  that  domestic  ser¬ 
vice,  as  well  as  manufactures,  require  more  or  less. hands  just  as  these 
are  free  or  slave.  Let  us  also  recollect  that  the  slave  does  not  live  so 
long  as  the  free  worker,  and  we  may  draw  the  deduction  that  the 
work  of  the  slave  costs  more  than  the  work  of  the  free  laborer.  But, 
it  will  be  said,  “Why  do  so  many  people  then  make  use  of  slaves  ?” 
The  answer  is  simple — because  where  slavery  exists,  domestic  service 
and  agricultural  and  manufacturing  employments  are  degraded  and 
are  abandoned  by  free  laborers  :  and  hence  it  is  that  masters  and  con- 
tractors  have  no  other  resource  but  to  recur  to  slave  labor,  under  the 
penalty  of  abandoning  their  fields  or  their  undertakings. 

But,  let  us  see  why  the  free  laborer  performs  more,  better,  and 
cheaper  work  than  the  slave.  The  free  laborer  keeps  in  view  his  for¬ 
tune,  his  family,  his  future  :  he  studies,  economises,  undertakes, 
improves,  invents,  and  overcomes  all  obstacles.  The  slave  expects 
nothing  from  his  toil  ;  for  him  there  is  no  stimulus  but  the  whip  ;  and 
he  has  not  before  him  any  scheme  for  his  own  and  his  sons’  future. 
He  is,  consequently,  idle,  insensible  ;  his  very  intelligence  is  his  worst 
enemy,  since  it  only  serves  to  point  out  his  misfortune.  He  does  not 
reason  ;  he  is  stupid  ;  he  cannot  know  the  uses  of  machinery,  the  mar¬ 
kets,  the  division  of  labor,  nor  their  immense  influence  on  the  destiny 
of  the  individual  and  of  society.  Labor,  with  recompense,  is  man’s 
first  treasure  ;  but  without  rewrard  it  is  only  martyrdom.  The  utility 
of  the  slave  is  negative  ;  he  does  not  devote  his  mind  to  work,  but  to 
avoid  vrork. 

In  slave  States,  not  only  is  labor  deprived  of  the  advantage  of  hav¬ 
ing  intelligent  and  skillful  workers,  but  free  men  are  required  to  watch 
and  rule  over  the  slaves,  instead  of  improving  the  work.  To  these 


IN  ITS  RELATIONS  WITH  WEALTH. 


7 


two  grave  evils  must  be  added  another  no  less  fatal,  that,  namely,  of 
accustoming  all  persons  connected  with  slavery  to  unite  the  ideas  of 
production  and  slavery,  so  that  they  aspire  to  become  rich  only 
by  augmenting  the  number  of  their  slaves.  Ah  !  there  are  now 
existing  in  Cuba  five  hundred  thousand  intelligent  beings,  dead  so  far 
as  labor  is  concerned.  What  should  you  be,  oh  Cuba,  were  it  not  for 
slaves  ! 

In  all  societies  men  are  divided  into  capitalists  and  workers.  But 
the  workers  do  not  live  by  the  benevolence  of  capitalists  ;  they  live  by 
what  is  more  worthy.  This  world  is  God’s  world,  and  it  is  wonderfully 
organized.  If  there  were  no  servants  and  laborers,  capitalists  and 
skillful  men  could  not  devote  themselves  to  undertakings  and  inven¬ 
tions,  since  they  would  not  have  time  to  execute  any  of  the  works 
which  are  performed  by  the  former.  Capitalists  live  by  workmen,  as 
much  as  workmen  live  by  capitalists.  Their  mutual  wants  are 
the  providential  means  which  form  the  bonds  of  human  society 
and  all  the  sources  of  wealth. 

Slavery  breaks  these  bonds.  In  slave  countries,  whenever  the 
capitalist  requires  hands  he  purchases  men.  The  majority  of  his 
fellows  are  men  without  capital,  but  the  capitalists  disregard  them, 
and  hence  it  is  that  the  majority  of  such  persons  are  in  want  of  food, 
because  they  are  in  want  of  work. 

Among  these  persons  without  capital,  stand  in  the  first  rank 
women,  particularly  those  who  have  lost  parents,  husbands,  brothers. 
In  a  free  country,  as  in  New  York  for  instance,  there  are  for  these 
women,  workshops,  manufactures,  and  every  sort  of  occupation.  In  a 
land  of  slaves,  as  in  Cuba,  there  are  no  workshops,  and  poor  women 
are  in  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  because  they  have  no  business  to 
apply  themselves  to.  Nothing,  gentlemen,  nothing  remains  to  these 
women,  not  even  the  humble  resource  of  domestic  service,  since  if  they 
entered  into  it  they  would  be  confounded  with  slaves. 

What  is  true  of  women  in  this  respect,  is  equally  true  of  children. 
In  free  countries  they  have  workshops,  and  establishments,  and 
schools ;  they  can  live,  receive  education,  and  even  assist  their  indi¬ 
gent  mothers.  These  children,  in  slave  countries,  have  no  occupation, 
and,  instead  of  assisting  their  mothers,  they  only  double  the  bitterness 
of  their  grief.  Ah  !  this  is  horrible,  because  it  is  the  truth. 

The  condition  of  men  without  capital  is  not  less  unfortunate  in  coun¬ 
tries  of  slavery.  They  cannot  become  laborers,  because  the  fields  are 
cultivated  by  slaves  ;  and  they  cannot  devote  themselves  to  occupa¬ 
tions  or  branches  of  industry,  because  there  are  no  workshops  nor 
manufactories  ;‘and  because  the  arts  will  not  flourish  where  they  are 
degraded  by  slavery. 

Without  morality  there  is  no  prosperity  ;  but  let  us  see  how 
it  is  that  slavery,  wherever  it  exists,  destroys  morality.  Without 
the  whip  there  would  be  no  slaves,  since,  by  a  natural  law,  man 
aspires  to  break  all  the  obstacles  which  do  violence  to  his  under¬ 
standing,  to  his  will,  and  to  his  liberty.  Masters,  therefore,  must 


8 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


be  harsh,  unjust,  and  inhuman.  But,  these  masters  have  children  ; 
and  the  virtues  which  should  be  engraven  on  their  souls  are  love,  jus¬ 
tice,  and  beneficence,  or,  in  a  single  word, 'humanity.  Consequently,  the 
course  which  these  masters  have  to  pursue  in  regard  to  their  slaves  in 
the  presence  of  their  children,  is  for  such  children  a  school  destructive 
to  these  virtues.  These  children,  when  their  mind  is  opened  to  reason, 
believe  that  the  just  is  unjust  ;  believe  that  prosperity  co-exists  with 
slavery ;  believe  that  the  evil  is  good,  and  that  the  inhuman  is  humane. 

In  connection  with  slavery,  virtue  is  no  longer  virtue.  For  a 
slave  woman  to  marry  a  slave  and  to  preserve  her  conjugal  fidelity,  is 
to  condemn  herself  and  her  children  to  slavery  ;  and  for  that  slave 
woman  to  surrender  herself  to  a  libertine,  is  to  aspire  to  her  own  free¬ 
dom  and  to  the  freedom  of  her  children.  This  truth  is  seen  in  every 
slave  country,  a  sad  truth  which  is  confirmed  by  the  extraordinary 
number  of  children  born  of  slave  women  out  of  the  bonds  of  matrimony. 
And  these  slave  women,  for  whom  virtue  is  not  virtue,  nurse  their 
masters’  children,  aud  have  a  large  share  in  the  formation  of  their  first 
ideas.  How  deplorable  for  children  are  these  two  schools  !  the 
conduct  of  their  fathers  as  masters,  and  the  example  of  the  nurses  who 
attend  on  them  from  their  cradle. 

Labor  is  the  only  producer  of  wealth  ;  and  that  law  is  a  law  of  love, 
since  it  is  it  which  maintains  and  binds  societies  together.  Slavery 
violates  that  divine  law  in  three  senses  :  First,  it  takes  from  the  slave 
that  which  God  gave  him,  the  fruit  of  his  labor.  Second,  it  gives  to 
masters  the  fruit  of  a  labor  not  theirs,  though  God  has  has  declared 
to  man  “in  the  sweat  of  thy  brow  shalt  thou  eat  bread.”  Third, 
it  corrupts  the  soul  of  society  with  the  anti-Christian  doctrine  and 
example  that  there  may  be  wealth  without  toil,  and  morality  with 
slavery. 

From  the  doctrines  laid  down,  these  propositions  spring  ;  slavery  is 
contrary  to  the  morality  and  to  the  religion  of  Christ  ;  the  peoples  who 
maintained  slavery  have  eventually  become  impoverished  and  perished ; 
Europe  owes  its  present  greatness  to  the  manumission  of  slaves  ;  slaves 
work  badly  as  domestics  and  as  laborers  ;  slavery  breaks  the  bonds 
which  in  every  society  unite  capitalists  with  workmen  ;  the  masters  of 
slaves  must  be  unjust,  a  thing  which  is  demoralizing  to  their  children  ; 
slave  women  disregard  virtue,  thereby  corrupting  childhood  and  society; 
slavery  deprives  agriculture  and  the  arts  of  the  fecund  impulse  of 
intelligence  ;  slave  peoples  have  been  unable  to  resist  when  tyrants 
oppressed  or  invaded  them  ;  and  political  economy,  in  accord  with 
morality,  sees  in  slavery  a  violation  of  the  law  of  God,  and  the  worst 
enemy  of  prosperity. 

REFUTATION  OF  ARGUMENTS  IN  SUPPORT  OF  SLAVERY. 

The  arguments  that  are  alleged  in  favor  of  slavery  are  nothing 
more  than  simple  sophistries  against  Christianity,  against  morality,  and 
against  political  economy.  Let  us  look  at  these  arguments. 


IN  ITS  RELATIONS  WITH  WEALTH. 


9 


First.  “The  patriarchs  held  slaves  ;  therefore  slavery  is  good.”  The 
sacred  Scriptures  contain  two  distinct  portions,  one  doctrinal,  the  other 
historical.  The  fact  that  the  patriarchs  held  slaves  belongs  to  the 
historical  portion  ;  but  this  does  not  sanction,  merely  narrates  ancient 
events,  be  they  good  or  evil  ;  whilst  the  doctrinal  portion  of  the  Scrip¬ 
tures  condemns  all  the  errors  on  which  the  slavery  of  man  is  based. 
Besides,  the  word  slavery  or  servitude  has  had  distinct  significations. 
The  patriarchs  did  not  mark  the  brow  of  the  slave  with  iron,  nor  his 
condition  with  ignominy.  Jacob  became  a  servant  that  he  might  win 
the  hand  of  Rachel.  Joseph  was  a  slave,  and  yet  was  the  adviser  of 
Pharaoh.  At  that  time  the  world  was  not  illumined  with  the  light  of 
the  G  ospel ;  and  nevertheless  the  slavery  of  to-day  is  more  horrible 
than  it  was  in  the  early  ages,  and  even  among  the  enemies  of  the 
conquered  people. 

Second ,  “  Slavery  is  a  very  delicate  subject,  and  so  to  discuss  it  may 
produce  enormous  evils.”  I  look  upon  it  in  this  other  light,  “  Slavery 
is  a  very  delicate  subject,  and  so  not  to  discuss  it  may  produce 
enormous  evils.”  For  these  thirty  years  I  have  been  accustomed  to 
hear  that  it  is  not  yet  the  proper  time  to  discuss  slavery.  •  How  is  the 
time  designated  ?  For  me,  it  is  always  time  to  impugn  whatever  is  evil, 
whatever  is  immoral,  whatever  outrages  humanity,  and  whatever  may 
inflict  on  Cuba  great  injuries.  Man  is  distinguished  from  the  brute  by 
his  intelligence,  and  the  soul  of  intelligence  is  discussion.  To  combat 
slavery  is  to  second  the  will  of  God. 

Third.  “  To  speak  of  emancipation,  is  to  allow  the  slaves  to  learn 
that  their  freedom  is  pleaded  for,  which  might  impel  them  to  declare  it 
themselves.”  Even  admitting  that  they  might  comprehend  our  desire, 
so  long  as  that  desire  is  good,  moral  and  Christian,  I  can  only  deduce 
from  it  that  it  would  attract  to  us  their  gratitude,  their  co-operation, 
and  their  enthusiasm  for  our  own  liberty. 

Fourth.  “  Cuba,  with  slaves,  has  prospered  much.”  Cuba  has  no 
workshops,  manufactories,  schools,  occupations  for  indigent  women  and 
children  ;  it  has  no  roads,  canals,  immigration  ;.  it  has  no  sovereignty  ; 
it  has  uo  laws  ;  it  has  not  even  peace  for  the  repose  of  its  children. 
That  is  not  prosperity,  and  if  it  be  so  designated  I  do  not  desire  it  for  . 
my  country.  It  is  true  that  the  agriculture  of  Cuba  has  progressed 
considerably  in  half  a  century  ;  but  the  progress  which  that  agriculture 
has  made  with  slaves  is  in  proportion  to  what  it  would  have  made  with¬ 
out  them,  as  one  to  a  thousand.  God  has  not  condemned  any  country 
to  hold  slaves,  and  least  of  all  Cuba,  where  labor  obtains  an  hundred¬ 
fold  reward,  and  whose  virgin  lands,  refreshed  with  the  breezes  of  the 
temperate  zone  of  the  north,  allure  her  sons  with  all  the  tropical  pro¬ 
ducts.  Texas,  in  a  few  years,  has  increased  her  population  tenfold  ; 
and  California  has  increased  hers  with  greater  rapidity.  Cuba,  without 
slaves  and  with  good  laws,  might  have  millions  of  souls. 

Fifth.  “  In  all  Republics,  including  that  of  the  United  States,  there 
have  been  slaves.”  To  think  thus,  is  to  be  ignorant  of  human  progress. 
Not  only  Republics,  but  all  countries,  have  had  idolatry,  theocracy, 


10 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


tyranny,  the  rack,  dislike  to  labor,  a  restrictive  system,  and  even  human 
victims ;  and  these  institutions  have  fallen  as  slavery  shall  fall,  or  rather 
as  it  is  falling.  Feudal  Europe  had  slaves ;  so  had  the  Spanish  Ameri¬ 
can  republics.  Tunis  had  them  ;  and  the  English  and  French  colonies 
had  them  ;  they  have  them  no  longer.  When  science  proclaims  an  idea 
which  is  good,  civilizing  and  moral,  the  people  are  not  slow  to  adopt  it ; 
and  if  they  do  not  attempt  it  at  the  instant,  it  is  because  despots  pro¬ 
hibit  it,  or  because  the  people  are  meditating  upon  it.  But  I  will  limit 
myself  to  the  existence  of  slaves  in  the  United  States.  The  errors  of 
society  are  the  condition  of  progress.  With  the  compass,  by  which  the 
immense  progresses  of  the  United  States  are  measured,  with  that  com¬ 
pass  are  measured,  also,  the  immense  errors  which  her  laws  have 
corrected  ;  and  those  errors  are  nothing  more  than  the  gloomy  legacy 
of  the  old  British  legislation.  The  United  States,  from  the  time  of  her 
independence,  comprehended  how  fatal  a  thing  slavery  is.  Mistress  of 
her  own  destiny,  her  first  step  was  its  destruction. 

With  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  African  trade 
ceased  ;  in  the  northern  States  slavery  was  abolished  ;  the  foundation  of 
Liberia — an  idea  the  most  honorable  to  civilization — is  a  new  bulwark 
against  slavery  in  this  country  ;  and  California  has  already  emancipated 
the  slaves  which  were  within  her  borders.  Here  are  arguments  which 
are  facts,  and  which  afford  confirmation  that  the  United  States  are 
endeavoring  to  extinguish  slavery. 

Sixth.  “  To  speak  against  slavery  is  to  alienate  the  southern  States 
of  the  American  Union  from  the  cause  of  Cuba.”  If  to  combat  slavery 
were  to  alienate  the  South  from  our  cause,  it  would,  for  the  same 
reason,  attract  the  North  to  its  support  ;  consequently  the  loss  would 
be  compensated,  and  the  duty  of  opposing  slavery  would  not  have  even 
the  shadow  of  objection.  But  the  southern  States  of  America,  as  well 
as  the  the  northern  States,  are  interested  in  behalf  of  Cuba  ;  not 
because  she  may  or  may  not  have  slaves,  but  that  they  may  establish 
in  Cuba  new  markets,  new  branches  of  business,  newr  sources  of  wealth, 
and  that  they  may  export  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  from 
other  centres  of  trade,  their  products  into  the  adjacent  points  of  Cuba. 
Besides,  what  injury  would  the  Southern  States  sustain  by  our  emanci¬ 
pating  our  slaves  ?  California  has  liberated  hers,  and  the  same  interest 
in  her  continues  to  inspire  them  ;  the  Northern  States  emancipated 
theirs  also,  and  their  interest  in  them  has  not  altered.  The  same  thing 
would  take  place  with  respect  to  Cuba,  who,  by  the  Federal  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  the  United  States  would  be  always  authorized  to  keep  or  to 
manumit  her  slaves  according  as  it  served  her  uses  and  pleasure. 

Seventh.  “  Many  Cubans  will  regard  independence  as  an  evil,  if  it 
involve  the  liberation  of  the  slaves,  and,  far  from  cooperating  in  it,  will 
remain  indifferent,  or  will  support  the  Spanish  Government.”  I  do  not 
believe  thus  of  my  countrymen  ;  I  consider  them  as  being  more  intelli¬ 
gent,  more  sensible,  and  possessing  more  patriotism  and  more  humanity. 
I  believe  that  the  Cubans  thoroughly  comprehend  that  labor  depends 
on  intelligence,  that  our  want  of  workshops  and  our  industrial  back- 


IN  ITS  RELATIONS  WITH  WEALTH. 


11 


warclness  proceed  solely  from  slavery  ;  I  believe  that  they  are  interested 
in  the  condition  of  our  poor  women,  that  they  are  not  ignorant  that 
slavery  is  demoralizing,  and  that  they  know  that  with  slavery  there  is 
no  security  for  their  wealth,  nor  future  for  their  children.  If  the 
Cubans  now  make  use  of  slave  labor,  it  is  because  the  Spanish  Govern¬ 
ment  is  opposed  to  the  existence  of  other  labor.  Don  Domingo 
Goicouria,  and  other  good  Cubans,  have  solicited  permission  to  introduce 
white  laborers,  and  have  presented  projects  and  means  for  the  carrying 
out  of  their  idea,  and  the  Spanish  Government  has  always  repulsed 
them,  that  it  might  continue  the  African  slave  trade.  But  the  Cubans 
would  prefer  free  laborers,  because  they  are  not  insensate,  and  because 
they  understand  the  civilization  of  the  nineteenth  century,  a  civilization 
which  point  the  harmonies  existing  between  wealth,  intelligence,  and  the 
doctrines  of  morality.  To  unite,  therefore,  the  cause  of  humanity  to 
that  of  the  independence  of  Cuba  is  not  to  drive  from  it  our  brothers  ; 
it  is,  on  the  contrary  to  enlist  them  under  its  banner. 

Eighth.  “  To  emancipate  the  Cuban  slaves,  is  to  place  the  blacks  on  an 
equal  footing  in  every  respect  with  the  white,  to  which  even  the  bit¬ 
terest  abolitionists  are  opposed.”  This  sophism  is  even  ridiculous.  In 
the  northern  States  there  are  great  numbers  of  free  negroes,  and  they 
have  schools,  churches,  societies  of  various  kinds,  and  even  military 
companies,  without  there  being  that  identification  which  it  is  pretended 
to  dread.  In  the  southern  States,  as  well  as  in  Cuba,  there  are  very 
many  free  negroes,  and  there  does  not  exist  any  such  mixture  with  the 
whites.  Laws  are  one  thing,  and  customs  another.  To  plead  that 
there  be  no  slaves  in  a  country  is  not  to  plead  for  the  mixture  of  two 
different  races.  If  slavery  were  abolished  in  Cuba,  the  slaves  of  to-day 
would  be  elevated  to  the  rank  which  free  negroes  enjoy,  to  their  own 
benefit  and  ours.  That  will  be  always  the  result  of  everything  which 
is  good,  moral,  humane,  and  Christian. 

Ninth.  “  To  emancipate  the  negroes  is  to  give  them  an  opportunity 
of  becoming  enlightened  and  of  destroying  us.”  The  history  of  slaves  is 
the  history  of  conspirators,  of  the  enemies  of  labor,  of  political  revolts, 
and  of  the  demoralization  and  extermination  of  peoples  ;  to  give  to  the 
slaves  liberty,  property,  intelligence,  family  interests,  and  a  future,  is  to 
interest  them  in  the  peace,  the  order,  the  labor,  the  morality  and  the 
well-being  of  societies.  History  teaches  that,  our  eyes  see  that,  and  it 
is  taught  to  us  by  morality,  political  economy,  Christianity,  aud  even  by 
common  sense,  Slavery  is  contrary  to  nature,  and  to  abolish  that 
which  is  contrary  to  nature  is  not  to  injure  but  to  save  societies. 

MEANS  OF  ABOLISHING  SLAVERY  IN  CUBA. 

If  I  might  only  obey  the  desires  of  my  soul,  the  law  of  manumission 
for  the  slaves  of  Cuba  would  be  very  simple  :  “  All  the  slaves  of  Cuba 
are  declared  free.v  These  should  be  the  words  of  the  law  which  I 
should  propose  ;  but  slavery  is  such  a  horrible  thing  that  once  estab¬ 
lished,  it  is  very  difficult  to  eradicate  it  ;  a  truth  which  is  proved  to 


12 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


ns  by  the  fifty  years’  discussion  in  the  British  Parliament,  and  by  the 
existence  of  slaves  in  the  Southern  States  of  the  American  Union. 

Cuba  holds  five  hundred  thousand  slaves,  and  we  have  already 
stated  that  every  slave  sees  in  labor  the  instrument  of  his  misfortune, 
that  his  understanding  is  vitiated,  and  that  he  has  very  incorrect  ideas 
of  what  is  just  and  moral,  and  of  religion.  Our  slaves,  particularly 
those  of  the  country,  have  no  foresight  ;  therefore,  to  emancipate 
them  suddenly  would  be  to  ruin  our  agriculture,  our  arts  ;  it  would  be 
to  leave  ourselves  without  domestics  ;  it  would  be  to  rob  their  masters 
of  the  capital  represented  by  those  slaves  whom  they  acquired  legiti¬ 
mately  ;  and  it  would  be  to  subject  ourselves  to  all  the  excesses 
to  which  they  might  be  impelled  by  ignorance,  hunger,  and  the 
dislike  to  toil.  But,  everything  is  reconciled  by  intelligence.  When 
we  believe  it  impossible  to  do  anything  that  is  good,  that  is  moral, 
that  is  Christian,  we  should  not  say  we  cannot ,  but  we  know  not  how. 

To  reconcile  the  liberation  of  our  slaves  with  the  conservation  of 
our  wealth  and  safety,  I  will  indicate  the  means  which  I  believe  most 
opportune  and  most  convenient  for  all  the  sons  of  Cuba.  These  means 
would  free  our  native  land  from  the  germ  of  death  which  it  contains 
for  labor,  for  its  morality,  for  its  political  and  economical  condition,  for 
its  present  state,  and  for  its  future  destiny. 

In  my  opinion,  the  liberation  of  our  slaves,  that  is  to  say,  the  price 
of  their  liberty,  should  fall  upon  all  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba, 
including  themselves  ;  but  I  do  not  believe  that  possible,  and  I  only 
desire  that  we  should  approach  to  what  may  facilitate  that  just 
division. 

I  wish,  first,  to  estimate  what  the  masters  of  slaves  should  gain,  to 
compare  it  afterwards  with  what  they  should  lose  ;  and,  at  present,  I 
allude  only  to  material  gains  and  losses,  since  the  moral  benefit  which 
the  abolition  of  slavery  would  produce  to  all,  is  inestimable. 

I  am  not  sufficiently  vain  to  believe  that  the  means  which  I  am 
about  to  indicate  are  capable  of  no  improvement ;  nothing  is  further 
from  my  ideas.  And  would  that  other  minds  occupying  themselves 
with  a  subject  so  vital  for  Cuba  and  for  humanity,  may  present  other 
means  more  easy,  prompt,  just,  and  beneficent;  I  should  be  the  first  to 
sustain  them.  I  do  not  know  why  it  is  that  the  minds  of  Cuba  do  not 
deliberate  on  this  important  subject  ;  even  though  they  should  not  do 
it  for  the  sake  of  humanity,  they  ought  to  be  occupied  with  it;  since, 
if  we  do  not  work  for  the  gradual  emancipation  of  our  slaves,  we  run 
the  risk  of  its  being  brought  about  suddenly,  and  of  bringing  in 
its  train  unspeakable  misfortunes.  This  ill  may  come  upon  us  from  the 
English  Government,  from  the  Spanish,  from  the  Ha'itien,  and  even 
through  the  agency  of  our  slaves  themselves.  None  but  foolish  minds 
•  believe  that  the  slaves  of  to-morrow  will  be  the  slaves  of  to-day,  as  if 
the  same  rule  which  applies  to  individual  life  did  not  also  apply  to 
social  life. 

But,  let  us  see  the  measures  which  I  propose. 

First.  “  Cuba  shall  be  free  and  independent.”  I  understand  by 


IN  ITS  RELATIONS  WITH  WEALTH. 


13 


“  independent,”  that  she  will  be  radically  and  for  ever  separated  from 
the  Spanish  Government.  I  am  no  concessionist.  What  could  that 
government  do  for  Cuba,  which  has  produced  naught  but  misfortunes 
to  the  whole  Continent  of  America,  and  to  Spain  herself  ?  That 
government  sacrificed  our  Indians,  separated  us  first  from  the  world, 
then  inundated  us  with  African  slaves,  and  to-day  dictates  for  us  laws 
which  are  the  dishonor  of  civilization  and  the  scandal  of  Christianity. 
In  Cuba  there  will  be  slaves  so  long  as  there  is  a  Spanish  Government; 
and  I  abhor  that  government,  because  I  desire  the  benefits  of*  liberty 
for  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba — be  they  Creoles  or  Peninsulars — and  for 
all  men. 

Second.  11  Cuba  shall  be  Republican.”  I  understand  by  “  repub¬ 
lican,”  that  she  have  a  popular  government,  with  liberty  of  the  press, 
of  commerce,  and  of  worship  ;  that  she  foster  industry  and  edu¬ 
cation,  and  that  she  assure  her  well-being  and  safety  by  becoming 
allied  or  annexed  to  the  United  States.  With  these  institutions, 
Cuba  would  be  filled  with  toilers,  and  her  industries  would  be  fecund, 
because  they  would  be  intelligent.  To-day,  Cubans  cannot  carry  any¬ 
thing  from  one  point  to  another,  not  even  their  own  persons,  without 
being  detained  by  the  petty  officers  of  the  law.  The  birds  in 
the  air,  the  fish  in  the  sea,  and  the  wild  beasts  in  the  forests, 
have  more  freedom  than  we  have.  But,  I  am  mistaken  :  in  Cuba 
there  is  no  wild  beast  other  than  the  Spanish  Government — a 
wild  beast  which  has  engendered  a  two-headed  monster,  domestic 
slavery  and  political  slavery. 

Third.  “  Cessation  of  the  African  Slave  trade.”  That  trade  will 
continue  in  Cuba  whilst  the  Spanish  government  rules  there,  since  it 
serves  its  policy  and  its  treasury.  In  Cuba  the  trade  will  cease  with 
the  attainment  of  her  independence,  as  took  place  in  the  United  States, 
where  Africans  ceased  to  be  brought,  and  where  the  free  laborers  who 
emigrated  thither,  were  counted  by  hundreds  of  thousands. 

Fourth.  “  To  abolish  ;  1st,  all  the  taxes  paid  by  rural  properties  ; 
2d,  the  customs  from  lands  and  slaves  ;  3d,  every  duty  on  the  expor¬ 
tation  of  the  products  of  the  soil  ;  and  4th,  every  duty  on  the 
importation  of  utensils  and  machines  for  agriculture,  and  on  the  wear¬ 
ing  apparel  and  food  for  slaves.  A  portion  of  the  revenues  of  the 
country  shall  be  also  devoted  to  the  improvement  of  communications  by 
land  and  water.”  The  disposition  in  this  article  will  indemnify  mastera 
for  the  prejudice  which  they  may  sustain  by  the  two  following. 

Fifth.  “  The  maximum  price  of  a  slave  shall  be  $700  up  to  the 
year  1860.  $600  thence  till  the  year  1870,  and  $100  less  for  each 
decade  until  the  complete  extinction  of  slavery.”  This  law  would  be 
very  important,  since  without  it  we  would  have  to  contend  with  the 
inconveniences  of  a  sudden  manumission,  or  with  those  of  perpetuating 
slavery  in  Cuba.  Thus,  therefore,  to  assure  its  benefits,  this  rule  should 
form  part  of  the  political  constitution  of  Cuba,  and  every  pretension 
directed  in  opposition  to  it  should  be  held  as  an  attempt  against  that 
constitution.  But  let  us  see  the  last  article  before  analyzing  the  present. 


14 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


Sixth .  11  Liberty  to  the  children  of  our  slave  women  who  may  be 
born  in  future,  then  there  cau  be  no  more  slaves  born  in  Cuba.”  This 
humane  law  would  be  for  slave  fathers  the  greatest  of  benefits  ;  and 
that  new  generation  would  not  abhor  labor,  since  it  would  see  in  indus¬ 
try  its  subsistence,  its  well-being,  and  its  future.  These  children  would 
form  a  new  tie  between  the  master  and  his  slaves.  The  master  in 
treating  them  well  would  have  the  best  means  of  stimulating  their 
parents  to  work  ;  and  the  latter  in  their  turn  would  endeavor  to  merit 
this  kindness  towards  their  children  by  persevering  in  work.  Some 
say  that  the  master  would  disregard  these  children  to  the  point  that 
they  would  perish  for  want  of  care  ;  but  I  believe  that  there  is  more 
goodness  in  our  breasts  than  those  who  speak  so  suppose. 

Humanity  is  a  law  of  God,  and  the  laws  of  God  always  stand  as 
tribunals  in  every  human  conscience.  I  believe,  apart  from  our 
philanthropy,  that  the  loss  which  would  accrue  to  masters  from  the 
maintenance  of  these  creatures  and  from  the  cares  which  their  mothers 
have  to  bestow  on  them,  is  insignificant  compared  to  the  utility  which 
they  would  derive  from  the  good  service  of  their  parents,  for  whom 
there  would  be  a  future  inasmuch  as  the  future  of  their  children 
would  be  theirs. 

The  price  of  $100  per  slave,  in  no  respect  prejudices  owners,  since 
the  average  value  of  a  slave  in  Cuba  is  from  $500  to  $600.  Supposing 
that  the  law  should  be  enacted  in  the  year  1854,  it  would  follow  that 
up  to  the  year  1869,  a  slave  would  be  worth  $600;  that  is  to  say,  that 
the  master  would  have  enjoyed  him  for  the  space  of  fifteen  years,  with¬ 
out  a  diminution  of  his  value  ;  in  twenty-five  years  after  the  passage 
of  the  law,  the  slave  would  be  worth  $500.  It  is  certain  that  the  law 
being  enacted,  the  master  would  have  to  maintain  the  children  of  slaves 
born  in  future,  and  that  after  the  lapse  of  fifteen  years,  he  would  lose 
$100  every  ten  years  in  the  value  of  a  slave  :  but  the  benefit  which  the 
fourth  article  produces  to  him,  is  much  greater  than  these  two  evils  ; 
much  greater,  because  it  leaves  him  more  money  than  the  price  of  the 
slave  is  diminished  ;  and  much  greater,  because  the  benefit  of  that 
article  is  permanent,  whilst  the  evil  of  the  emancipation  is  temporal. 

Another  great  benefit  in  the  plan  which  I  propose  is,  that  the  mas¬ 
ters  have  time  to  set  about  replacing  the  slaves  with  free  men  ;  reckon¬ 
ing  among  these  latter  the  children  of  the  slaves,  who  will  see  in  labor 
the  foundation  of  their  future,  and  not  the  worst  of  their  enemies. 

I  do  not  forget  that  it  is  not  only  the  owners  of  plantations  who 
have  slaves,  and  that  the  proposed  emancipation  would  also  fall  upon 
all  slave  owners  ;  but  the  relief  from  the  duties  of  exportation  and  the 
other  administrative  reforms  before  indicated,  will  leave  in  their  hands, 
and  permanently,  a  greater  sum  than  what  they  lose.  These  masters, 
besides,  enjoy  for  fifteen  years  the  labor  of  their  slaves,  without  any 
abatement  of  their  price,  an  abatement  which  will  not  begin  to  take 
place  until  the  benefits  enjoyed  are  received  for  some  years,  and  until 
the  immigration  of  free  hands  lessens  the  wages  of  workmen  and  of 
domestic  servants. 


IN  ITS  RELATIONS  WITH  WEALTH. 


15 


It  will  appear  to  some  that  the  preceding  plan  embraces  a  very  long 
period  ;  and  to  others  a  very  short  one.  I  will  reply  to  the  first,  that 
the  life  of  societies  is  not  measured  with  the  same  compass  as  that  of 
individuals  ;  that  to  embrace  too  much  is  frequently  not  to  attain  any¬ 
thing  ;  and  that  in  the  country  of  Washington,  there  would  not  to-day 
be  a  slave,  if  their  legislators  had  adopted  the  plan  which  we  are  dis¬ 
cussing.  I  believe  that  the  American  people  in  establishing  their  inde¬ 
pendence,  would  not  have  hesitated  in  adopting  such  a  plan  ;  and  yet 
now,  perhaps,  it  would  meet  some  difficulties.  All  things  have  more 
or  less  a  time  and  a  season,  and  that  which  I  have  just  shown  in  respect 
to  the  United  States  is  applicable  to  Cuba.  If  the  day  of  emancipa¬ 
tion  be  somewhat  distant,  no  injury  will  accrue  to  the  holders  of  slaves, 
and  the  lovers  of  Cuba  and  of  humanity  will  at  least  die  with  the 
pleasure  of  contemplating  a  future  not  very  far  removed  in  which  there 
shall  not  be  in  our  country  any  but  freemen. 

Those  who  consider  the  time  proposed  too  short,  I  would  only  ask  to 
study  history,  the  science  of  economy,  and  the  human  heart  ;  and  if 
these  three  books,  which  do  not  lie,  are  not  sufficient  to  convince  them, 
I  would  advise  them  to  examine  the  statistics  of  Cuba  and  of  the 
neighboring  islands,  and  the  principles  of  Christianity,  either  in  a 
religious  or  scientific  sense  ;  they  would  plead  then  for  the  brevity  of 
the  time. 

It  is  more  than  time  to  come  to  a  conclusion.  To  liberate  our  slaves 
is  to  fulfil  the  law  of  God  ;  and  to  fulfil  the  law  of  God  does  not  offer 
those  inconveniences  which  error  exaggerates.  Sons  of  Cuba,  I  appeal 
to  you  and  to  posterity.  If  we  emancipate  our  slaves,  we  will  be 
astonished  at  our  physical  and  moral  progress  ;  if  we  do  not  emanci¬ 
pate  them,  we  will  be  doubly  parricides,  because  we  will  deprive  our 
children  of  physical  wealth  and  moral  wealth.  Since  we  are  adopting 
the  immense  benefits  of  civilization,  let  us  be  consistent  and  adopt 
also  the  petty  sacrifices  which  it  requires  from  us  and  for  our  advance¬ 
ment.  That  civilization,  Jesus  Christ,  history,  and  our  conscience  cry 
to  us  against  slavery.  Almost  all  countries  have  had  slavery,  and 
have  got  rid  of  it.  Always  by  the  side  of  slavery  are  seen  hunger, 
vices,  and  serfdom  ;  while  the  Christian  principle  of  the  fraternity  of 
men  is  ever  accompanied  by  well-being,  virtue,  peace  and  happiness. 
Let  us  not  forget  it  ;  there  is  no  prosperity  without  industry  ; 
there  is  no  industry  without  intelligence  ;  there  is  no  intelligence 
without  virtue  ;  there  is  no  virtue  without  religion  ;  and  there  is 
no  religion  where  there  is  slavery.  The  sacrifices  which  the  manu¬ 
mission  of  our  slaves  may  cost  us  are  but  temporary ;  the  benefits  will 
be  eternal,  as  the  father  of  humanity  is  eternal.  These  sacrifices  will 
be  the  best  offeriug  to  our  sons,  to  our  country,  and  to  God.  All  the 
intellects  of  Cuba  are  opposed  to  slavery,  and  more  than  one  illustrious 
Cuban  has  liberated  his  slaves.  In  that  number  figures  one  of  our 
heroes,  Don  Joaquin  Aguero. 

In  my  humble  opinion,  not  to  unite  the  emancipation  of  our  slaves 
to  the  independence  of  Cuba — and  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  admit 


16 


DOMESTIC  SLAVERY 


/ 


doubts  and  procrastinations — is  to  inoculate  in  our  political  regenera¬ 
tion  a  fatal  germ  of  unlimited  misfortunes.  I  see  the  fall  of  Greece, 
Rome,  and  Carthage,  because  they  had  slavery.  I  see  the  Spanish- 
American  Republics  stumbling  in  the  path  of  liberty  ;  and  I  see 
in  them  merely  the  footsteps  of  slavery.  I  see  the  aborigines  of 
Cuba  disappear,  and  I  see  only  the  effect  of  slavery  :  and  I  see 
sanguinary  wars  between  the  Turks  and  Christians,  solely  on  account 
of  slavery.  I  see  in  Africa  a  market  of  human  flesh,  sustained  by 
slavery.  I  see  despots  on  the  earth,  because  their  power  is  based  on 
slavery  ;  and  I  see  our  heroes  perish  on  scaffolds,  because  slavery 
reigns  in  Cuba.  I  see,  in  fine,  the  misfortune  of  our  land,  and  of  the 
whole  earth,  still  growing  from  slavery.  I  have  but  one  voice  and  one 
heart,  and  my  voice  and  my  heart  are  for  Cuba  and  for  humanity, 
because  God  and  nature  proclaim  the  liberty  of  the  human  race. 


FINIS. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-URBANA 


